Since 2018, we have been taking the streets of London…
28 January 2023
Feminist Fightback’s open workshop aimed to explore the ways in which the hard right is using gender as a political weapon. We include in the ‘hard right’ groups ranging from right wing mainstream parties like the Conservative party in the UK to far right and fascist groups of variable strength and power anywhere. Our aim was to inform ourselves of the connections between attacks on trans rights, homophobia and reproductive rights and the nationalism, racism and xenophobia of the hard right. It was also to begin to build a coalition of feminist, queer, trans and other organisations to resist the rise of right-wing populism in our government, in our schools and on our streets.
This blog provides a short summary of the wide range of issues covered by our speakers who analysed and described how the hard right is using gender politics to build support through the control of women and attacks on gender non-conformity in the UK and internationally. These talks were followed by interactive sessions where we collectively mapped attacks on gender rights and reproductive justice and how they are being resisted.
This contribution explored the connections between the traditional racism of the hard right in Britain and its gender politics, especially reproductive justice, and considered how trans-exclusionary politics affects the struggle for reproductive justice.
Gender rights and reproductive justice can be invoked by right wing and populist organisations in different ways depending on specific historical situations. What such groups have in common is professed support for the so-called ‘traditional’ family, a stance which enables far right organisations to appear as “ordinary” and “decent”, and often conceals their racism, xenophobia and nationalism. Clear links exist between right-wing groups, Christian fundamentalists and anti-LGBTQ movements which have long opposed abortion as well as gay rights.
Sometimes, as in Germany in 2015, they claim to defend women’s rights in racist or nationalist terms, for example to mark “difference” between majority populations and migrants, while in practice, respect for such rights is non-existent. In the UK, government policies demonstrate similar contradictions. While restrictions on trans rights are professed ostensibly to protect women, at the same time, poor women and migrants are harmed by benefit restrictions and migration rules aimed at discouraging them from having large families.
Some trans-exclusionary feminists are also themselves undermining reproductive justice through links with hard right anti-abortion institutions which are also anti-gay, anti-trans, racist and anti-immigration. Any victory for the anti-trans movement at the expense of abortion and other gender rights also strengthens the hard right and makes it harder to achieve reproductive justice, especially for stigmatized and marginalised groups including people of colour, sex workers, migrants, and trans people.
Since last summer in the UK, right-wing protests have grown against Drag Queen Story Hours taking place in libraries and other public venues, and even managed to get a couple cancelled. The main group/ person behind the protests appears to be Patriotic Alternative and Francesca Deal.
Behind these hard right protests lies protectionism and misogyny. Their key message was ‘our women, our children’. A message based on entitlement, misogyny and homophobia and their terror of losing the traditional family as well as their fear of trans rights. They claim that drag queens will corrupt their children by teaching them that ‘daddy is bad’ because he’s a man. The more gender equality and sexual liberation increases in wider society, the more their sense of victimhood grows and the more radicalised they become.
The speaker argued that the Far Right don’t make distinctions between women, whether they are a feminist or ‘one of their own’, they are essentially chattels. Within Far Right groups there are strictly prescribed gender roles and they even joke about how they practice ‘White Sharia’. Despite the fact they have learnt the usefulness of using women as the ‘soft face’ of the Right, there still is very much a glass ceiling within the Hard Right and if a woman steps out of line they will not hesitate to discard and attack her. It is important to remember the contradiction inherent in the Far Right in relation to women and children: despite talking about protecting women, in reality they attack them and are one of the biggest threats against them.
One of the reasons for the success of ‘gender critical’ ideology in the UK is because a sort of female identitarian politics has been proposed as a solution to very real material problems affecting women as a class. Feminists who have spent long years fighting for women’s rights are now seeing extreme cut-backs in funding and services and, instead of looking to the real culprits, they are using trans people as scapegoats. Women who used to be leftists or anarchist are being sucked into this ideology and associating with the hard Right. The power of these women needs to be taken seriously. They speak to people’s anxieties and what they have lost through austerity and their ideas are thus are able to get a foothold.
Within the Hard Right and so-called ‘Gender Critical’ movements, we are seeing an increasing politicisation and weaponisation of motherhood. This is because although under capitalism mothering is extremely hard, women in heteronormative relationships are afforded status and therefore some form of power through motherhood despite patriarchy. The hard right has weaponised motherhood as a marker of womanhood, and so appeals to women who lose out through austerity but can retain a sense of worth through motherhood. The hard right is playing to this – claiming that queer and trans people are trying to corrupt or exploit their children and undermine women’s roles as mothers.
In a way this is a failure of liberal feminism that depended on slogans that that glorified female identity rather than resistance. To counter this we need more than just awareness raising that ‘trans women are women’: trans and non-binary people also need an improvement in their material conditions, including access to housing and medical care.
It’s important to build a material counter-movement and to always keep in mind how racism, misogyny, borders and the anti-trans movement are all connected.
There are many similarities between what the previous speakers described and what is happening in India. The global hard right are good at networking and learning from each other. A key component of the Indian experience is the caste system. Narendra Modi’s ruling party imagines India as a Hindu nation based on Brahmanism. Brahmanism describes the role of women as sexless and subordinate, whose place is in the house. The place of women is intrinsic to the creation of the Hindu nationalist vision of India based on the image of ‘Mother India’. Feminist dissenters opposed to this system have taken up the slogan ‘We refuse to mother India’ in response.
An integral part of the Brahmanical patriarchal nation state is the silencing of women, in particular those of lower classes and castes and tribal women who are outside the caste system. This is done by disciplining ‘unruly’ women. Tribal women in India in particular are in the forefront of the fight for water, forests and other rights and thus are not only attacked from the Brahmanical patriarchy but also from neoliberal capitalism that wants them gone to be able to exploit the land unencumbered.
Sexual violence, in particular, has a long history of being used as a method of discipline. It has always been a part of the caste system but has become more aggressive under the current regime. The state uses sexual violence to discipline women, shown by the multiple cases of the police participating in it, and by the fact that in certain cases it is actually legal for the army to use it. The Indian Hard Right is also now using online sexual harassment as a method to keep women in their place.
Poland gives us the perspective of another country under a Hard Right government. Like in India, the conservatives in Poland use a heroic self-sacrificing image of Mother Poland. On of the biggest issues in Poland at the moment is the practically non-existent right to abortion. The government has also tried to legalise violence against women and has attacked LGBTQ rights. Notably, the president has stated that LGBTQ people don’t exist, but are simply an ‘ideology’. All this has led to a rise of violence against women and the LGBTQ community that is largely ignored by the police.
An interesting particularity of the Polish experience is that the word ‘gender’ is imported, which affects the use of language to speak about the issue. Gender as a word has become in some parties synonymous with ‘monster’ and at times has become an umbrella term for everything the Far Right doesn’t like, or is linked to neo-liberalism. Another particularity is the importance of the Catholic Church in the country and the widespread propaganda of the debt the country owes the Catholic Pope for supposedly liberating the country from communism.
This interactive session produced a rich and detailed set of issues involving threats and attacks from the hard right and resistance to them. These are listed here.


















In the final session of the day we looked towards the future as we discussed possible actions.
We will be holding follow-up sessions to make a final choice of group action to take forward and start organising details and practicalities.
Since 2018, we have been taking the streets of London…
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